Inequality Aversion

The economists Michael Norton and Dan Ariely recently completed a survey of 5,000 Americans that asked two simple questions: 1) Estimate the current level of wealth inequality in the United States and 2) Propose the ideal level of wealth inequality. Here’s their summary of the results: In our survey, Americans drastically underestimated the current gap […]

The economists Michael Norton and Dan Ariely recently completed a survey of 5,000 Americans that asked two simple questions: 1) Estimate the current level of wealth inequality in the United States and 2) Propose the ideal level of wealth inequality. Here's their summary of the results:

In our survey, Americans drastically underestimated the current gap between the very rich and the poor. The typical respondent believed that the top 20% of Americans owned 60% of the wealth [in reality, the top 20% own 85% of the wealth], and the bottom 40% owned 10% [in reality, the bottom 40% own close to zero]. They knew, in other words, that wealth in the United States was not distributed equally, but were unaware of just how unequal that distribution was.

When we asked respondents to tell us what their ideal distribution of wealth was, things got even more interesting: Americans wanted the top 20% to own just over 30% of the wealth, and the bottom 40% to own about 25%. They still wanted the rich to be richer than the poor, but they wanted the disparity to be much less extreme.

But was there consensus among Americans about their ideal country? Importantly, the answer was an unequivocal "yes." While liberals and the poor favored slightly more equal distributions than conservatives and the wealthy, a large majority of every group we surveyed — from the poorest to the richest, from the most conservative to the most liberal — agreed that the current level of wealth inequality was too high and wanted a more equitable distribution of wealth. In fact, Americans reported wanting to live in a country that looks more like Sweden than the United States.

This survey neatly complements my recent WSJ column on the neural basis of inequality aversion. For thousands of years, we've seen ourselves as inherently selfish creatures, driven by our genes to maximize pleasure. This is our original sin: We care about ourselves first and foremost, which is why we despise taxes, turn a blind eye to the suffering of others, and, in general, struggle to live a just life. But these pessimistic assumptions are mostly wrong, or at least woefully incomplete. In recent years, psychologists and neuroscientists have begun dismantling this view of human behavior. We may not be altruistic angels, but neither are we depraved hominids. For instance, it turns out that people have a natural aversion to inequality. As the Norton/Ariely survey demonstrates, we tend to prefer a world in which wealth is more evenly distributed, even if it means we have to get by with less.

Consider this recent experiment by a team of scientists at Caltech, published earlier this year in the journal Nature. The study began with 40 subjects blindly picking ping-pong balls from a hat. Half of the balls were labeled "rich," while the other half were labeled "poor." The rich subjects were immediately given $50, while the poor got nothing. Such is life: It's rarely fair.

The subjects were then put in a brain scanner and given various monetary rewards, from $5 to $20. They were also told about a series of rewards given to a stranger. The first thing the scientists discovered is that the response of the subjects depended entirely on their starting financial position. For instance, people in the "poor" group showed much more activity in the reward areas of the brain (such as the ventral striatum) when given $20 in cash than people who started out with $50. This makes sense: If we have nothing, then every little something becomes valuable.

But then the scientists found something strange. When people in the "rich" group were told that a poor stranger was given $20, their brains showed more reward activity than when they themselves were given an equivalent amount. In other words, they got extra pleasure from the gains of someone with less. "We economists have a widespread view that most people are basically self-interested and won't try to help other people," says Colin Camerer, a neuroeconomist at Caltech and co-author of the study. "But if that were true, you wouldn't see these sorts of reactions to other people getting money."

What's driving this charitable brain response? The scientists speculate that people have a natural dislike of inequality. In fact, our desire for equal outcomes is often more powerful (at least in the brain) then our desire for a little extra cash. It's not that money doesn't make us feel good—it's that sharing the wealth can make us feel even better. "What this experiment demonstrates is that context matters," says Elizabeth Tricomi, the lead author on the paper. "You can completely flip the response of the brain by putting a person in a state of wealth, even if that state is determined by a ping-pong ball."

In reality, of course, we're not nearly as egalitarian as this experiment suggests. After all, the top 1% of earners aren't exactly lobbying for higher taxes or for large lump-sum payments to those on welfare. (Bill Gates is a rare exception. He recently joined his father in endorsing a new income tax on the wealthiest residents of Washington State.)

This is probably because the rich believe they deserve their riches. Unlike the subjects in the study, whose wealth was randomly determined, the top earners in America tend to feel that their salaries are just compensation for talent and hard work. Previous experiments, for instance, have demonstrated that making people compete for the initial payout can dramatically diminish their desire for equal outcomes. The end result is that our basic aversion to inequality—the guilt we might feel over having more—is explained away.

For too long, our political conversation about taxes and wealth has been framed by a set of misguided assumptions. We've assumed that people always want to be wealthier than their peers, that higher taxes are an inevitable source of displeasure. But that's not the case. As the scientists note, culture and context play a decisive role, which is why different countries have such different tax structures, and why even America had a top marginal tax rate of 91% in 1960.

Though neuroscience can't speak to the merits of this public policy debate—economists continue to argue about the impact of taxes on the economy—it should remind us that our response to financial rewards and losses depends on a larger set of shifting beliefs. Do we believe that our riches are deserved? Is America still a land of opportunity? Those are the questions that matter.